- Her Excellency Mrs. Maria Fernanda Lay, President of the National Parliament of Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste,
- Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen!
[Start Elaboration 1]
…
[End Elaboration 1]
I am indeed very pleased to be officially visiting the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste for the second time. My first official visit was in 2016 when I was Prime Minister. I would like to express my gratitude for the warm welcome given to me and my delegation, and also for organizing this special session so that I could present my perspectives on Cambodia-Timor-Leste relations, as well as Cambodia’s experience in preparing for ASEAN membership 26 years ago, while Timor-Leste is preparing to become a full ASEAN member in the near future.
In the 44 years of my political career from 1979 until my resignation as Prime Minister in 2023, the historic achievement for me, as well as for Cambodia as a whole, was to join ASEAN on April 30, 1999 and successfully leading this regional organization as the rotating chairman for three times. The fact that Cambodia took the chairmanship for the first time in 2022, only two and a half years after gaining full membership, is noteworthy. As a trailblazer, I led Cambodia through numerous challenges and experiences to join ASEAN and integrate well into the region as it is today, in accordance with Cambodia’s national strategies.
I will begin today’s sharing by discussing the relations between Cambodia and Timor-Leste before moving on to discuss Cambodia’s visions and aspirations for ASEAN. I will evaluate the significance of ASEAN’s global role beyond its regional boundaries as I wrap up the talk.
1. The Relations between Cambodia and Timor-Leste
At the outset, I would like to take this opportunity to join the people of Timor-Leste in celebrating the 23rd anniversary of the National Independence Day of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, which was achieved by the people of Timor-Leste on 20 May 2002. This was also the year of historic significance for our two countries as our diplomatic relations were established on 29 July of the same year, coinciding with Cambodia’s first ASEAN chairmanship. I have always felt close to the people of Timor-Leste, because despite our different contexts, both our people have experienced similar storms of political-security instability after gaining independence from colonization. We also received UN peacekeeping forces and were placed under UN administration in the same decade—the early 1990s for Cambodia and the late 1990s for Timor-Leste. When Timor-Leste formally applied for the ASEAN membership on March 4, 2011, Cambodia expressed its unwavering support, coinciding with the approaching Cambodia’s turn to be Chairman of ASEAN for the second time in 2022.
I highly appreciate the progress of friendship and close cooperation between our two countries since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 2002. Although we do not have much economic relations, our political cooperation and mutual support in the bilateral framework and on international fora have been satisfactory, which is especially important at the time when the world is facing serious challenges. I am pleased to see that our two countries have frequently exchanged visits and communications in recent years. I believe that the stronger political relations are the important basis for developing relations in the spheres of economy, trade, investment, socio-culture and people-to-people contacts.
Last month, His Excellency Bendito dos Santos Freitas, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of Timor-Leste, paid an official visit to Cambodia. We agreed to promote cooperation in numbers of priority areas where both countries can complement each other, notably in areas where Cambodia can help strengthen food security and Timor-Leste can help strengthen energy security. With the aim of strengthening and expanding the friendship and cooperation in all areas between the two countries, Cambodia has decided to open an embassy in the capital, Dili. I would like to thank the Government of Timor-Leste for timely providing the Agrement to the first Cambodian Ambassador to Dili. The opening of the embassy is also a political message of Cambodia’s support for Timor-Leste to become a full membership of ASEAN in 2025. I believe that the opening of our embassy in the capital, Dili, will bring more positive changes in the relations between Cambodia and Timor-Leste on the three pillars of political-security, economy, and socio-culture.
Start Elaboration 2]
…
[End Elaboration 2]
2. ASEAN and Cambodia
As Timor-Leste is endeavoring for full membership of ASEAN, I would like to take this opportunity to share some of my experiences and perspectives on ASEAN membership. In fact, Cambodia was accepted to join ASEAN since 1997, but her formal entry was postponed until April 1999 due to internal political instability in Cambodia. Cambodia’s socio-economic situation in 1997 was still very difficult, as we had not yet achieved full peace and national unity. However, Cambodia has fulfilled its obligations and roles responsibly. Based on this personal experience, Cambodia has fully supported Timor-Leste’s full membership in ASEAN from the very beginning and has been working hard to promote ASEAN consensus on Timor-Leste’s proposal until now, because Cambodia believes that Timor-Leste should not be left alone. This was the sacred desire of the founding fathers of ASEAN, who wanted to unite all states in Southeast Asia to be under one ASEAN’s umbrella.
When Cambodia chairs ASEAN in 2022, the inclusion of Timor-Leste as an ASEAN member was one of our priorities at that year. I have expressed my opinion publicly and with other ASEAN member states that we should not delay Timor-Leste’s accession to the ASEAN family any longer, and the waiting period of more than 10 years has been long enough. Through the last-minute negotiations, the 40th and 41st ASEAN Summits in Phnom Penh agreed in principle to admit Timor-Leste as the 11th ASEAN member. Although not yet a full member, the following year Timor-Leste joined as an observer, and with Timor-Leste’s own determination and proactiveness, ASEAN has now allowed Timor-Leste to participate in the work of building an ASEAN community. I sincerely hope that this year Timor-Leste will officially join the ASEAN family.
The Royal Government of Cambodia and I, myself, will continue to mobilize support from other ASEAN member states to admit Timor-Leste as a full member. I believe that Timor-Leste deserves to become the 11th member of ASEAN, and we can leave the remaining obligations related to the accession to the instruments to be implemented at a later stage after official accession as full member.
Start Elaboration 3]
…
[End Elaboration 3]
- Excellencies, Ladies, and Gentlemen!
I would like to share Cambodia’s experience and the four main reasons why Cambodia decided to strategically apply to join the ASEAN family. I think Timor-Leste may also have similar reasons and interests as Cambodia in joining ASEAN. The four reasons are:
1. The Principle of Non-Interference in the Internal Affairs of Member States: This principle was the most significant factor attracting Cambodia to join ASEAN. From Cambodian leaders’ perspective, we understand that the tragedies happened in Cambodia stemmed from foreign interference in the country’s internal politics. The influence of great power rivalry led to deep interference in our internal politics, culminating in a coup d’état that overthrew His Majesty the late King Father Norodom Sihanouk. This marked the beginning of significant turmoil in Cambodia’s history. Cambodia lost control of its destiny and became a stage for proxy wars, civil war, and even genocide. From this historical lesson, ASEAN’s principle of non-interference in internal affairs is particularly appealing to Cambodia.
2. The Community Spirit: The community spirit refers to the working method that is based on the principle of consensus. This principle is essential to ensure that all member states enjoy the same rights, regardless of their size, wealth or status as old or new members of ASEAN. ASEAN does not operate through majority votes, as such practices could lead to internal divisions. While this principle can sometimes create tension, an overall historical assessment shows that it serves as a strong foundation for ASEAN’s unity and lasting solidarity, despite past challenges.
Start Elaboration 4]
…
[End Elaboration 4]
There have been comments suggesting a revision of the consensus principle with some claiming that new member states abuse their veto power for personal gain. In response, I would like to ask: “have the founding member states of ASEAN always maintained unified stances on all regional issues?” The answer is no. The founding Fathers of ASEAN had envisioned this and for this reason, they were the ones who established the principle of consensus. ASEAN is highly diverse, and each member state balances regional interests with their national interests, and such balancing does not result in identical assessment for all members. To ensure regional unity – “Unity in Diversity”- and institutional cohesion requires an effective and sophisticated “glue”, that is the principle of consensus. In practice, the consensus principle is not as “rigid” as it may seem. For example, if today we cannot reach a consensus on a particular position, we can identify the “red lines” of other countries’ positions. Therefore, this is the institutional art of ASEAN in adjusting and reconciling the negotiating substances as well as the ways and means, or approaches to establish a position that all members can accept. Although such coordination takes time, this principle has ensured ASEAN’s internal harmony for 58 years.
We may feel anxious when we encounter deadlocks on specific issues where ASEAN cannot agree on a unified position. However, reflecting on the 58-year journey we have undertaken together, we should be proud instead in our collective ability to work and grow together, especially when many other multilateral, regional and subregional institutions have declined in influence or even disappeared from the diplomatic arena. At this moment, we must respect and value the wisdom and long-term vision of ASEAN’s founding Fathers, and all member states who share responsibility to uphold the noble tradition that we have built together over time.
3. Socio-Economic Development through Promoting Integration: There are many aspects of integration from which all member countries benefit, including strengthening both hard and soft connectivity, promoting joint deliberations for shared interest, and reducing development disparities. We have advanced infrastructure development that enhances regional connectivity to increase the movement of goods and people. A concrete example of this progress is the visa exemption for the movement of people across the entire region. The narrowing of development gap between the old and new members of ASEAN through the Initiative for ASEAN Integration (IAI) since 2000, notably through strengthening institutional capacities, has been particularly beneficial to Cambodia. External partners have also played an active role in accelerating the integration process by fostering development in new member states, like Cambodia, Myanmar, and Laos, to bridge the gap with member states that are more developed.
I would like to clarify some misconceptions regarding Cambodia and other newly admitted member states within ASEAN, particularly the belief that these countries with their smaller economies would hinder ASEAN’s progress. In reality, the newer members are neither slowing down the process, depending on, nor exploiting benefits from earlier members. Allow me to present some concrete figures to illustrate this point. When ASEAN was established in 1967, its total economic size was only USD 24 billion. However, the combined GDP of the 10 ASEAN countries by 2024 had reached USD 3.8 trillion, making it the fifth largest economy in the world, with projections indicating it will rise to the fourth place by 2030. The total volume of trade in goods has grown to USD 3.5 trillion, nearly matching the GDP size, with intra-ASEAN trade accounting for 21.5%. Additionally, total foreign direct investment (FDI) had reached USD 229.8 billion, with 9.5% of that being intra-ASEAN investment. This data demonstrates that the addition of new members has not diminished ASEAN’s economy. On the contrary, both trade and investment have steadily increased with a particular rise in internal trade and investment.
Start Elaboration 5]
…
[End Elaboration 5]
4. The Gateway to Cambodia’s Diplomatic Opportunities: ASEAN has many partners and Cambodia automatically partners with those as well through joining ASEAN, which is the gateway to diplomatic opportunities for Cambodia. The ASEAN-led regional architecture has been steadily evolving, and through this, ASEAN’s cooperation with external partners has also advanced in both scale and depth. As of May 2025, the number of high contracting parties that have signed the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (TAC) has grown to 55. Moreover, 96 Non-ASEAN Member States Ambassadors to ASEAN (NAAAs) has been accredited to ASEAN while 55 ASEAN Committees in Third Countries and International Organisations (ACTCs) have been established. ASEAN has established free trade agreements (FTAs) with key dialogue partners including China, Japan, India, South Korea, Australia-New Zealand, as well as an FTA with Hong Kong. In addition, ASEAN plays a significant role in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), which initiated negotiations in 2012 and came into effect in 2022, the same year that Cambodia held the rotating ASEAN Chairmanship. In 2023, RCEP reported a trade volume of USD 2 trillion, and foreign investments from RCEP member countries outside of ASEAN reached USD 66.3 billion. The diplomatic opportunities adhere to rules-based multilateralism, while promoting free, open, inclusive, and rule-based multilateral trade have provided numerous benefits to member states and their partners.
- Excellencies, Ladies, and Gentlemen!
3. “ASEAN and the World”
In this final section, I want to emphasize ASEAN’s future role in global governance, because I envision a scenario where ASEAN could emerge as a “political and economic pole” in the world. With a population exceeding 670 million – making it the third largest globally and the fifth largest economy globally – ASEAN’s influence in shaping the global governance agenda cannot be overlooked. The global order is transitioning towards a “multipolar” system, characterized by an increase in actors with substantial economic, diplomatic, and military power, who are demanding for a governance model to be consistent with the new realities of global balance of power. These emerging actors seek a greater role in setting a more democratic and just world governance framework. However, the competition for power has led some major powers to deviate from the established rules of global governance that they once helped establish after World War II, undermining the international order, particularly the principles of rule-based multilateralism.
In such circumstance, ASEAN undeniably plays a crucial role in fostering a rule-based, more democratic, and equitable world order. To that end, ASEAN may adopt two approaches. First, we can strengthen our internal capabilities, and second, reinforce ASEAN’s engagement with influential multilateral institutions. We can strengthen our internal strength by enhancing institutional effectiveness and promoting deeper integration. The formulation of the “ASEAN Community Vision 2045”, which is set to be adopted at the upcoming summit in May, is a step in the right direction.
The second approach involves strengthening our interactions. We can enhance these interactions through ASEAN-led mechanisms or other multilateral frameworks, responding appropriately to situational contexts and circumstances. Occasionally, we may observe the trend of “turning away from ASEAN” by some member states to join other modern institutions to promote their countries’ status. This is a strategic option that we cannot deny. However, when ASEAN or its members participate in multilateral bodies outside ASEAN-led mechanisms, we must remain cautious of any potential bias toward competing great powers, which could destabilize these institutions based on superpower policies or leadership.
Therefore, I firmly believe that ASEAN should prioritize developing ASEAN-led regional architecture, as our institutions are more neutral and allow us to engage with a diverse range of partners and regions without ideological bias. What matters is that ASEAN mechanisms remain more permanent and stable, even in the face of leadership changes among member states. In this regard, I would like to extend my admiration to the ASEAN Secretariat for its remarkable role in ensuring the permanence or sustainability of cooperation mechanisms, with overwhelming coordination works, institutional documentations, and the promotion of forward-looking researches for ASEAN.
As a “pole of the world”, ASEAN plays a vital role in promoting peace. While the competition for supremacy among the great powers is beyond ASEAN’s control, ASEAN can manage its regional affairs, resist interference in its internal matters, and prevent proxy wars instigated by superpowers within our region. ASEAN can also extend its influence on peace beyond the regional level.
Nonetheless, everyone can understand that ASEAN cannot assert itself as a “pole of the world” if its leaders do not foster close relationships, mutual understanding, a sense of community as an ASEAN family, and move beyond official-level interactions. At times, we may become overwhelmed by our responsibilities and overly focused on global superpower agendas, to the point that we forget our neighbors and fellow ASEAN members. I truly encourage the new generation of ASEAN leaders to create more shared memories to strengthen solidarity, cooperation, and harmony within the region.
- Excellencies, Ladies, and Gentlemen!
Looking ahead, we can still learn from history, which has clearly shown that ASEAN’s principles are the most effective formula for managing diverse regional institutions. ASEAN must firmly uphold and protect its principles, even amid criticism. Ultimately, history serves as the judge of our achievements, and we must not evaluate ASEAN just in one or two years, but over a decade, to truly assess whether ASEAN is on the right path. Despite numerous criticisms, ASEAN’s stability, sustainability, and impressive economic growth are the clearest evidence that our formula is effective. This formula should be further expanded and shared within the global community that values diversity.
In the future, ASEAN, as a “pole of the world”, will become a symbol of centrist politics, free from religious extremism and extremist political culture that overly focuses on any single ideology or bloc. ASEAN aims to be a highly flexible and pragmatic “pole of the world” that does not treat any country or region as an enemy, nor become a battleground for proxy wars. As we endeavor to promote external relations, ASEAN should also strive to create new future and new hop for the next generations because if we cannot cultivate hope and dreams for the people of ASEAN, then the international community will be unable to place its hopes in us too. ASEAN has to dream big, we have to dream beyond ASEAN. Let’s imagine together that ASEAN would have world-class universities throughout the region, world-class technology companies, and would emerge as premier manufacturing hubs and markets of the world. We imagine that ASEAN would evolve into a prime location for world-class diplomatic forum and even hosting the World Cup. ASEAN would become a highly attractive destination for individuals around the world who wish to work or live in a civilized, harmonious, multi-ethnic society supported by a strong welfare system. This is a dream, and I firmly believe that the future of the world lies in Asia, and the future of the world lies in ASEAN.
- Excellencies, Ladies, and Gentlemen!
I hope that my presentation will contribute to providing valuable insight and a basis for comparative consideration with Timor-Leste’s context, as well as contributing to a better understanding of ASEAN and ASEAN’s working mechanisms among Timor-Leste’s society.
Finally, I wish Her Excellency President, Excellencies Vice-Presidents, members of parliament, ladies and gentlemen happiness, good fortune, great prosperity, and continued success in your endeavors.
Thank you!