- His Excellency, Dr. Kao Kim Hourn, the Secretary-General of ASEAN,
- Excellencies, the Permanent Representatives to ASEAN and Ambassador of Timor-Leste,
- Excellencies, Ambassadors of ASEAN Dialogue Partners and other partner Countries,
- Excellencies, Ladies, and Gentlemen!
Today, I am truly delighted to visit the ASEAN Secretariat and deliver a lecture on ASEAN in my capacity as a former Head of Government of an ASEAN member state, who have had the honor of serving as ASEAN’s rotating chair for three times throughout my political career. I have countless memories with ASEAN, and I would like to take this opportunity here to pay tribute to the distinguished founders of ASEAN as well as the former ASEAN leaders who had contributed both physically and spiritually, lending their wisdom and dedication to building and structuring institutions, and shaping regional architecture that places peace and people at the center.
Given ASEAN’s vast political, economic, and cultural diversity, I cannot speak on behalf of all ASEAN countries. However, I can share the perspective of a member country that joined last, but is not the youngest member, because we will soon have Timor-Leste as a new member. While ASEAN has consistently garnered attention from researchers and international political observers, I will not focus on the general challenges ASEAN has faced. Instead, I would like to take this opportunity to focus on positive stories of the past and an optimistic vision for the ASEAN’s future. I will divide my presentation into two main parts. For the past stories, I would like to focus on the relationship between “Cambodia and ASEAN”, and the future ones, I would ponder upon relationship between “ASEAN and the World”. Through this lecture, I invite the audience to draw your own conclusions regarding ASEAN’s strengths and weaknesses, which I believe no one has definite answers.
Part 1: “Cambodia and ASEAN”
In my lifetime, the hardships I have faced and overcome are not only valuable to me but also hold historical significance. They have also shaped leadership philosophy of Cambodia, which has often been seen as a country marked by misfortune, suffering, and countless tragedies. However, in my generation, during my leadership and that of the Cambodian People’s Party, I am proud to say that Cambodia is no longer a country of misery, and the international community has begun to recognize Cambodia with sentiment of respect and value, acknowledging its capacity to engage in shaping regional agenda and regional architecture with a strong sense of responsibility toward peace and people.
Not only I had the experiences of building the country from scratch, but I was also the one who outlined the roadmap for Cambodia to enter ASEAN from the ground up. To understand Cambodia’s perspective, it is crucial to understand the situations and experiences that Cambodia had gone through and comprehend what Cambodian leaders in general, not just myself, have sought to achieve for Cambodia. Our starting position comes from political, diplomatic, and economic isolation, and Cambodia’s connection with ASEAN stems from this very isolation, namely the deep desire for equal recognition, equal rights, and the aspiration for full respect for our independence, sovereignty, and dignity as a nation in the region.
Cambodia’s early engagement with ASEAN was far from favourable. From the 1980s until the early 1990s, ASEAN was the foremost institution opposing the legitimacy of the government of the People’s Republic of Kampuchea and the State of Cambodia, which were considered to be under Vietnamese control. The liberation of Cambodian people by the Vietnamese army from the Pol Pot’s genocidal regime was regarded as an occupation of Cambodia by Vietnam. It must be recognized that at the time, the influence of the Cold War had clouded the vision of many leaders, both inside and outside the region, and that this global context had led them to consider communism as a crime more serious than genocide. As a result, the government that liberated Cambodia and its surviving population was unjustly sanctioned for another 12 years, while the coalition that included perpetrators of crimes against humanity continued to occupy Cambodia’s legitimate seat at the United Nations. This reflected both the historical reality and the profound depth of Cambodia’s isolation.
However, our memory was not entirely unambiguous and without contradictory thoughts, because international politics at that time was extremely complex. I would like to highlight a key contradiction in the context of ASEAN’s intervention in Cambodia’s peacebuilding process. On one hand, ASEAN opposed the legitimacy of the government that controlled Phnom Penh, yet on the other hand, ASEAN played a crucial role as an intermediary in promoting peace in Cambodia with the inclusive participation of the very government that ASEAN refused to recognize, to befriend, and whom ASEAN tried so hard to impose isolation.
At this point, I acknowledge that Cambodia owes a great deal to ASEAN. We must never forget that ASEAN played a significant role in Cambodia’s peacebuilding process, although Cambodia was not a member of ASEAN at that time. Consider how vital was the role of Thailand in hosting Cambodian refugees and facilitating the return of nearly 400,000 displaced individuals[1]? Why was His Excellency Chavalit Yongchaiyudh willing to facilitate negotiations between Cambodian different factions both in Thailand and even in Japan? Why was Indonesia willing to provide a negotiation platform for Cambodia? And why was His Excellency Ali Alatas willing to step in and act as a mediator in a conflict far from his own country and without a direct impact on its national security? These actions reflect a shared sense of regional responsibility – an institutional spirit that transcends national interests and borders. It exemplifies the use of soft power, the power of negotiation without resorting to gunfire, and relying instead on multilateralism with engagement from multiple stakeholders. In today’s world amid widespread turmoil, we no longer hear discussions of multilateral negotiations at the international level or the diplomatic civility that values negotiations, even if there were some parties that may not be recognized. I would like to remind that ASEAN did not recognize the Phnom Penh government, just as Phnom Penh government did not recognize the Khmer Rouge faction. Therefore, bringing all relevant parties to the negotiating table through peaceful means, dignity, and civility was essential.
This historical lesson remains profoundly valuable today on the fact that even when ASEAN views a government as illegitimate, it prioritizes regional security, peace, and stability, and continues to pursue both formal and informal negotiations, both open and discreet. Such efforts served a greater and more valuable objective, and that is peace for the entire region. ASEAN did not hesitate or fear losing its reputation by engaging with a communist government or countries it deemed lacking full independence because peace in the region was far more important than abstract ideological correctness. People live by peace and can perish by ideology. Therefore, we can conclude that ASEAN, at the time, practiced a certain level of pragmatism when negotiating with the Phnom Penh government, despite considering it illegitimate. ASEAN respected Cambodia’s sovereignty and right to self-determination by avoiding interference in Cambodia’s internal affairs, while still facilitating dialogues among all factions concerned, who had duly requested and recognized ASEAN’s mediating role.
I intend to reiterate that before the Paris Agreements in 1991, ASEAN was instrumental in paving the way for negotiations among Cambodia’s four factions. After we established the Royal Government following the elections in 1993, we began to restore full diplomatic relations with ASEAN member states. I saw many opportunities and strategic imperatives that Cambodia must pursue for ASEAN membership. Under my leadership, Cambodia joined ASEAN on 30th April 1999 and the end of April, just last week, marked the 26th anniversary of Cambodia’s membership in ASEAN. Joining ASEAN is one of the most important diplomatic choices in Cambodia’s history, significantly impacting its diplomatic dynamics and horizon. This strategic decision has proven to be historically sound for Cambodia, influencing not only in the spheres of politics, diplomacy, economics, culture but also day-to-day state governance. Hence, ASEAN holds a special place in my heart and memory. There are four key reasons why I believe Cambodia must join ASEAN, and these reasons remain relevant even after nearly 30 years since that decision. Now, I would like to highlight four main reasons behind Cambodia’s decision to join ASEAN[2]:
1. The Principle of Non-Interference in the Internal Affairs of Member States: This principle was the most significant factor attracting Cambodia to join ASEAN. From Cambodian leaders’ perspective, we understand that the tragedies happened in Cambodia stemmed from foreign interference in the country’s internal politics. The influence of great power rivalry led to deep interference in our internal politics, culminating in a coup d’état that overthrew His Majesty the late King Father Norodom Sihanouk. This marked the beginning of significant turmoil in Cambodia’s history. Cambodia lost control of its destiny and became a stage for proxy wars, civil war, and even genocide. From this historical lesson, ASEAN’s principle of non-interference in internal affairs is particularly appealing to Cambodia.
2. The Community Spirit: The community spirit refers to the working method that is based on the principle of consensus. This principle is essential to ensure that all member states enjoy the same rights, regardless of their size, wealth or status as old or new members of ASEAN. ASEAN does not operate through majority votes, as such practices could lead to internal divisions. While this principle can sometimes create tension, an overall historical assessment shows that it serves as a strong foundation for ASEAN’s unity and lasting solidarity, despite past challenges.
There have been comments suggesting a revision of the consensus principle with some claiming that new member states abuse their veto power for personal gain. In response, I would like to ask: “have the founding member states of ASEAN always maintained unified stances on all regional issues?” The answer is no. The founding Fathers of ASEAN had envisioned this and for this reason, they were the ones who established the principle of consensus. ASEAN is highly diverse, and each member state balances regional interests with their national interests, and such balancing does not result in identical assessment for all members. To ensure regional unity – “Unity in Diversity”- and institutional cohesion requires an effective and sophisticated “glue”, that is the principle of consensus. In practice, the consensus principle is not as “rigid” as it may seem. For example, if today we cannot reach a consensus on a particular position, we can identify the “red lines” of other countries’ positions. Therefore, this is the institutional art of ASEAN in adjusting and reconciling the negotiating substances as well as the ways and means, or approaches to establish a position that all members can accept. Although such coordination takes time, this principle has ensured ASEAN’s internal harmony for 58 years.
We may feel anxious when we encounter deadlocks on specific issues where ASEAN cannot agree on a unified position. However, reflecting on the 58-year journey we have undertaken together, we should be proud instead in our collective ability to work and grow together, especially when many other multilateral, regional and subregional institutions have declined in influence or even disappeared from the diplomatic arena. At this moment, we must respect and value the wisdom and long-term vision of ASEAN’s founding Fathers, and all member states who share responsibility to uphold the noble tradition that we have built together over time.
3. Socio-Economic Development through Promoting Integration: There are many aspects of integration from which all member countries benefit, including strengthening both hard and soft connectivity, promoting joint deliberations for shared interest, and reducing development disparities. We have advanced infrastructure development that enhances regional connectivity to increase the movement of goods and people. A concrete example of this progress is the visa exemption for the movement of people across the entire region. The narrowing of development gap between the old and new members of ASEAN through the Initiative for ASEAN Integration (IAI) since 2000, notably through strengthening institutional capacities, has been particularly beneficial to Cambodia. External partners have also played an active role in accelerating the integration process by fostering development in new member states, like Cambodia, Myanmar, and Laos, to bridge the gap with member states that are more developed.
I would like to clarify some misconceptions regarding Cambodia and other newly admitted member states within ASEAN, particularly the belief that these countries with their smaller economies would hinder ASEAN’s progress. In reality, the newer members are neither slowing down the process, depending on, nor exploiting benefits from earlier members. Allow me to present some concrete figures to illustrate this point. When ASEAN was established in 1967, its total economic size was only USD 24 billion[3]. However, the combined GDP of the 10 ASEAN countries by 2024 had reached USD 3.8 trillion, making it the fifth largest economy in the world, with projections indicating it will rise to the fourth place by 2030[4]. The total volume of trade in goods has grown to USD 3.5 trillion, nearly matching the GDP size, with intra-ASEAN trade accounting for 21.5%. Additionally, total foreign direct investment (FDI) had reached USD 229.8 billion, with 9.5% of that being intra-ASEAN investment. This data demonstrates that the addition of new members has not diminished ASEAN’s economy. On the contrary, both trade and investment have steadily increased with a particular rise in internal trade and investment. Each member country has ownership of its own economy. This means that the “ASEAN Economic Pie” has not shrunk due to the inclusion of new members; instead, the size of the “ASEAN Economic Pie” continues to grow, allowing all members to benefit from this economic, trade, and investment growth.
ASEAN integration is a key factor in ASEAN’s success, making the region increasingly attractive to the world. While the global economy is facing a slowdown and uncertainty, ASEAN is still projected to achieve economic growth of 4.5% in 2024 and 4.7% in 2025. Many multilateral institutions consistently recognize ASEAN as a vital economic growth locomotive.
When we discuss integration, we often focus on the economic aspect, and we tend to overlook the institutional integration aspect, which plays a critical role in policy formulation through ASEAN’s interconnected institutional architectures that are intertwined in all sectors. In practice, almost no government ministries and institutions within member countries operate without engaging with ASEAN. These institutional coordination mechanisms provide opportunities for member countries to learn from each another, share experiences, and strengthen their institutional capacities to achieve alignment and parity at the regional levels. Most importantly, these mechanisms allow ASEAN to formulate joint policies and outline shared future directions across all sectors, ensuring that the well-being of all people in the region is considered. Examples of this collaboration include regional planning for the COVID-19 pandemic response, preparation to address global supply chain disruptions, and discussion on topics such as artificial intelligence, regional tourism, migrant workers, and transnational crimes. By combining the comparative advantages of each member country, this mutually complementary approach is vital for promoting integration and delivering numerous benefits to people throughout the region.
4. The Gateway to Cambodia’s Diplomatic Opportunities: ASEAN has many partners and Cambodia automatically partners with those as well through joining ASEAN, which is the gateway to diplomatic opportunities for Cambodia. The ASEAN-led regional architecture has been steadily evolving, and through this, ASEAN’s cooperation with external partners has also advanced in both scale and depth. As of May 2025, the number of high contracting parties that have signed the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (TAC) has grown to 55. Moreover, 96 Non-ASEAN Member States Ambassadors to ASEAN (NAAAs) has been accredited to ASEAN[5] while 55 ASEAN Committees in Third Countries and International Organisations (ACTCs) have been established. ASEAN has established free trade agreements (FTAs) with key dialogue partners including China, Japan, India, South Korea, Australia-New Zealand, as well as an FTA with Hong Kong. In addition, ASEAN plays a significant role in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), which initiated negotiations in 2012 and came into effect in 2022, the same year that Cambodia held the rotating ASEAN Chairmanship. In 2023, RCEP reported a trade volume of USD 2 trillion, and foreign investments from RCEP member countries outside of ASEAN reached USD 66.3 billion. The diplomatic opportunities adhere to rules-based multilateralism, while promoting free, open, inclusive, and rule-based multilateral trade have provided numerous benefits to member states and their partners. Therefore, the membership to ASEAN has provided considerable benefits for Cambodia, and for its part, Cambodia has also been performing duties in further expanding ASEAN’s diplomatic prospects.
Part 2 “ASEAN and the World”
Now, I would like to move on to Part 2. On this topic, I would like to emphasize that ASEAN no longer acts as a mere regional actor. Rather it has been transforming into an active and dynamic global actor, recognized by various international stakeholders. I will not delve into the challenges and obstacles currently faced by ASEAN and the world, as these topics have been extensively covered elsewhere. In this forum, I want to emphasize ASEAN’s future role in the architecture of global governance, because I envision a future where ASEAN could emerge as a “political and economic pole” in the world. With a population exceeding 670 million – making it the third largest globally and the fifth largest economy globally – ASEAN’s influence in shaping the global governance agenda cannot be overlooked. The global order is transitioning towards a “multipolar” system, characterized by an increase in actors with substantial economic, diplomatic, and military power. These actors are demanding for a governance model that should be in line with the new realities of global balance of power. These emerging actors seek a greater role in setting a more democratic and just world governance framework. However, the competition for power has led some major powers to deviate from the established rules of global governance that they once helped establish after World War II, undermining the international order, particularly the principles of rule-based multilateralism.
In such circumstance, ASEAN undeniably plays a crucial role in fostering a rule-based, more democratic, and equitable world order. Looking ahead, ASEAN has the potential to transition from a stance of merely “reacting to the world” to one that is actively “creating the world”.
To that end, ASEAN may adopt two approaches. First, we can strengthen our internal capabilities, and second, reinforce ASEAN’s engagement with influential multilateral institutions. We can strengthen our internal strength by enhancing institutional effectiveness and promoting deeper integration. The formulation of the “ASEAN Community Vision 2045”, which is set to be adopted at the upcoming summit in May, is a step in the right direction. The “ASEAN Community Vision” outlines strategic plans for all three pillars and aims to strengthen connectivity, envisioning “a developed ASEAN as the epicentre of growth in the Indo-Pacific region”. For the international community to embrace ASEAN and have greater confidence in it, ASEAN must demonstrate strong capabilities, contribute meaningfully to the world, and deliver benefits to those willing partners of ASEAN.
The second approach involves strengthening our interactions. We can enhance these interactions through ASEAN-led mechanisms or other multilateral frameworks, responding appropriately to situational contexts and circumstances. Occasionally, we may observe the trend of “turning away from ASEAN” by some member states to join other modern institutions to promote their countries’ status. This is a strategic option that we cannot deny. However, when ASEAN or its members participate in multilateral bodies outside ASEAN-led mechanisms, we must remain cautious of any potential bias toward competing great powers, which could destabilize these institutions based on superpower policies or leadership.
Therefore, I firmly believe that ASEAN should prioritize developing ASEAN-led regional architecture, as our institutions are more neutral and allow us to engage with a diverse range of partners and regions without ideological bias. What matters is that ASEAN mechanisms remain more permanent and stable, even in the face of leadership changes among member states. In this regard, I would like to extend my admiration to the ASEAN Secretariat for its remarkable role in ensuring the permanence or sustainability of cooperation mechanisms, with overwhelming coordination works, institutional documentations, and the promotion of forward-looking researches for ASEAN. Strengthening the capacity of the ASEAN Secretariat is essential for ASEAN to become a “pole of the world”. However, it is important to ensure that the ASEAN Secretariat neither acts on behalf of member states nor oversteps their sovereignty.
As a “pole of the world”, ASEAN plays a vital role in promoting peace. While the competition for supremacy among the great powers is beyond ASEAN’s control, ASEAN can manage its regional affairs, resist interference in its internal matters, and prevent proxy wars instigated by superpowers within our region. ASEAN can also extend its influence on peace beyond the regional level.
Building ASEAN’s capacity also relies on strong coordination and relationships among ASEAN leaders. ASEAN cannot assert itself as a “pole of the world” if its leaders do not foster close relationships, mutual understanding, a sense of community as an ASEAN family, and move beyond official-level interactions. At times, we may become overwhelmed by our responsibilities and overly focused on global superpower agendas, to the point that we forget our neighbors and fellow ASEAN members. I truly encourage the new generation of ASEAN leaders to create more shared memories to strengthen solidarity, cooperation, and harmony within the region.
Looking ahead, we can still learn from history, which has clearly shown that ASEAN’s principles are the most effective formula for managing diverse regional institutions. ASEAN must firmly uphold and protect its principles, even amid criticism. Ultimately, history serves as the judge of our achievements, and we must not evaluate ASEAN just in one or two years, but over a decade, to truly assess whether ASEAN is on the right path. Despite numerous criticisms, ASEAN’s stability, sustainability, and impressive economic growth are the clearest evidence that our formula is effective. This formula should be further expanded and shared within the global community that values diversity.
In the future, ASEAN, as a “pole of the world”, will become a symbol of centrist politics, free from religious extremism and extremist political culture that overly focuses on any single ideology or bloc. ASEAN aims to be a highly flexible and pragmatic “pole of the world” that does not treat any country or region as an enemy, nor become a battleground for proxy wars. How much hope can we create for our future generations? If we cannot cultivate hope and dreams for the people of ASEAN, then the international community will be unable to place its hopes in us too. We imagine that ASEAN would have world-class universities throughout the region, world-class technology companies, and would emerge as premier manufacturing hubs and markets of the world. We imagine that ASEAN would evolve into a prime location for world-class diplomatic forum and even hosting the World Cup. ASEAN would become a highly attractive destination for individuals around the world who wish to work or live in a civilized, harmonious, multi-ethnic society supported by a strong welfare system. This is a dream, and I firmly believe that the future of the world lies in Asia, and the future of the world lies in ASEAN.
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,
I hope that my presentation has provided valuable insights for the public on the international stage, enhancing their understanding and awareness of ASEAN; as well as its accomplishments and operational mechanisms that prioritize regional peace and stability at the core to foster integration and prosperity for the people in the region.
Finally, I wish Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen happiness, good fortune, great prosperity, and continued success in your endeavors.
Thank you!
